The Stranger use this research question as its based on the main article by Jame

The Stranger
use this research question as its based on the main article by James Walsh. How does an understanding of Georg Simmels concept of the Stranger address intercultural issues such as immigration and exclusion?.
Corresponding author:
Adrian Franklin School of Sociology and Social Work University of Tasmania GPO Box 252-17 Hobart
TAS 7001 Australia.
Email: Adrian.Franklin@utas.edu.au
Article
Tourist Studies
10(3) 195208
The Author(s) 2010
Reprints and permission: sagepub.
co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/1468797611407751
tou.sagepub.com
Aboriginalia: Souvenir
Wares and the
Aboriginalization of
Australian Identity
Adrian Franklin
School of Sociology and Social Work University of Tasmania Hobart TAS Australia
Abstract
In recent years Aboriginalia defined here as souvenir objects depicting Aboriginal peoples
symbolism and motifs from the 1940s1970s and sold largely to tourists in the first instance has
become highly sought after by both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal collectors and has captured
the imagination of Aboriginal artists and cultural commentators. The paper seeks to understand
how and why Aboriginality came to brand Australia and almost every tourist place and centre
at a time when Aboriginal people and culture were subject to policies (particularly the White
Australia Polic(ies)) that effectively removed them from their homelands and sought in various
ways to assimilate them (physiologically and culturally) into mainstream white Australian culture.
In addition the paper suggests that this Aboriginalia had an unintended social life as an object of
tourism and nation. It is argued that the mass-produced presence of many reminders of Aboriginal
culture came to be repositories of recognition not only of the presence of Aborigines but also
of their dispossession and repression. As such they emerge today recoded as politically and
culturally charged objects with (potentially) an even more radical role to play in the unfolding of
race relations in Australia.
Keywords
Aboriginal Australia; Aboriginalia; reconciliation; social identity; souvenirs; tourism objects
Travel is fatal to prejudice bigotry and narrow-mindedness and many of our people need it sorely
on these accounts. Broad wholesome charitable views of men and things can not be acquired by
vegetating in one little corner of the earth all ones lifetime. (Twain 1993 [1987]: 650)
196
Tourist Studies 10(3)
At almost all available contemporary tourist sites and places around Australia the travelling
visitor (whether domestic or overseas) wishing to sample what is properly Australian
will be confronted by two dominant representational forms: Australian nature and
Australian Aboriginal culture art and/or motifs. The online tourist will find the same
semiotic message everywhere: of the 12 representative objects on the front page of
Australiasouvenir.com
for example five are either Aboriginal objects for example boo

merangs or non-Aboriginal objects emblazoned with Aboriginal design (wooden wine
holder travel bags). Visitors to the popular Queen Victoria Market area of central
Melbourne will find it hard not to see
Something Aussie
a shop specializing in souvenirs
of Australia. The shops logo is an Aboriginal-inspired ochre-coloured setting sun encap

sulating a white boomerang. Inside the shop the unmistakable look of the merchandise
is based on Aboriginal design. It has a section of objects that are made by Aboriginal art
and crafts makers some of which are based on traditional objects and some of which are
European objects mantled with Aboriginal artworks (for example bandanas scarves
pottery vases and bowls). Then there are modern objects such as umbrellas candlehold

ers tablecloths and pen sets that are saturated with stylized Aboriginal designs. At other
locations around Australia such objects come complete with the name of the town or
state and in this sense co-opt Aboriginality into their place image. The wholesaler W.W.
Souvenirs (sourced at www.wwsouvenirs.com.au/cart/index.php?c=20&s=1) for exam

ple provides a range of boomerang-shaped key rings with the names of most major
towns and cities printed on them. Actually having encountered Aboriginal people is
ironically not important to those who happily souvenir objects as if they had: Boomerangs
line souvenir shops in their thousands inviting visitors to Australia to take this quirky
piece of the nation home with them as a symbol of both the country they visited and its
original inhabitants whom they may or may not have met (Effington 2010: 75).
At almost all the major city souvenir sites the connections between the Aboriginal
representation and the people they represent (and their geography) is rarely made explicit
(except where Aboriginal arts and craft makers have taken control and they have in
many places today). Despite this confused geography history and anthropology a gener

alized sense (and presence) of Aboriginal culture is rendered palpable to tourists across
Australia through a very large range of objects.
The combined effect of this Aboriginal semiotic drenching or perhaps it can be called
the
Aboriginalization
of tourist sites and places gives the impression that Aboriginal cul

ture is a quintessential representation or icon of local and national life with the corollary
given its suggested primordiality that it has always been thus. After all the elements of
Aboriginal culture emphasized on these objects do not represent how most contemporary
Aboriginal people live today (very few adhere to traditional hunting and gathering modes
of production) but reference a pre-white colonial period and the primordiality of the
Dreaming past. The cultural icons of white settler society by contrast feature present-day
culture such as sporting teams architecture commercial brands and national achieve

ments. It is at best an extremely confused iconography of nation. Nonetheless the infer

ence might be made that Aboriginal people symbols and motifs have always represented
Australia.
Mueckes 1990 essay No Road is one of the few serious attempts to understand
travellers in Australia and their engagement with contemporary Aboriginal cultures. This
paper seeks to extend that understanding though it takes a very different road.
&DQDGLDQ*HRJUDSKDV1DWLRQDOGHQWLW+XGVRQ?V
%D&RPSDQ3ODFH1DPHVDQGWKHLU$ERULJLQDO&RXQWHUSDUWV
&KULVWLQH6FKUHHU
International Journal of Canadian Studies Volume 49 2014 pp. 315-333
(Article)
3XEOLVKHGE8QLYHUVLWRI7RURQWR3UHVV
DOI: 10.1353/ijc.2014.0032
For additional information about this article
Access provided by Brock University (5 Jan 2015 12:08 GMT)
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/ijc/summary/v049/49.schreyer.html
Christine Schreyer
Canadian Geography as National Identity:
Hudson

s Bay Company Place Names
and their Aboriginal Counterparts
Abstract
The fur trade has a distinctive place in the collective memory of Canadian
society in
fl
uencing national identity in many ways. Speci
fi
cally the fur trade
has helped to shape the geography of Canada which is
fi
lled with locales
that retain the labels

fort

post

house

and

factory.

This paper will
discuss the Hudson

s Bay Company

s 1928 call for the collection of Aborigi-
nal place names for

all the posts of the country

and will examine the
resilience of these places names and their role in creating a Canadian
national identity based on the idea of three founding nations

Aboriginal
French and English.
Rsum
La traite de la fourrure occupe une place distincte dans la mmoire collective
canadienne ce qui in
fl
uence l

identit nationale de nombreuses manires.
Plus spci
fi
quement la traite de la fourrure a aid faonner la gographie
du Canada qui abonde de lieux portant le nom de fort post house
et factory . Cet article discutera de la demande faite en 1928 par la
Compagnie de la Baie d

Hudson qui voulait rassembler les noms de lieux
autochtones pour tous les postes du pays et examinera la rsilience de ces
noms de lieux et leur rle dans la cration d

une identit nationale cana-
dienne base sur l

ide de trois nations fondatrices : autochtone franaise et
anglaise.
The history of Canada as a nation is inextricably linked to the fur trade. It is
through the expansion of the fur trade that traders explorers merchants
missionaries and many more European people entered into the New World
and began to forge relationships whether good or bad with the indigenous
1
people whom they met along the way. It was in search of economic wealth that
traders pushed farther north and farther west until they ran out of land. This
expansion of the fur trade has helped to shape the geography of Canada which
is
fi
lled with locales that retain the labels

fort

post

house

and

factory.

In April 1928 Nathaniel McKenzie a retired district manager and
historian for the Hudson

s Bay Company (HBC) sent a letter to C.H. French
fur trade commissioner. He wrote:
IJCS/RIE

C
49 2014
PLACE THIS ORDER OR A SIMILAR ORDER WITH US TODAY AND GET AN AMAZING DISCOUNT

You may also like

Leave a Reply

The Stranger use this research question as its based on the main article by Jame

The Stranger
use this research question as its based on the main article by James Walsh. How does an understanding of Georg Simmels concept of the Stranger address intercultural issues such as immigration and exclusion?.
Corresponding author:
Adrian Franklin School of Sociology and Social Work University of Tasmania GPO Box 252-17 Hobart
TAS 7001 Australia.
Email: Adrian.Franklin@utas.edu.au
Article
Tourist Studies
10(3) 195208
The Author(s) 2010
Reprints and permission: sagepub.
co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/1468797611407751
tou.sagepub.com
Aboriginalia: Souvenir
Wares and the
Aboriginalization of
Australian Identity
Adrian Franklin
School of Sociology and Social Work University of Tasmania Hobart TAS Australia
Abstract
In recent years Aboriginalia defined here as souvenir objects depicting Aboriginal peoples
symbolism and motifs from the 1940s1970s and sold largely to tourists in the first instance has
become highly sought after by both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal collectors and has captured
the imagination of Aboriginal artists and cultural commentators. The paper seeks to understand
how and why Aboriginality came to brand Australia and almost every tourist place and centre
at a time when Aboriginal people and culture were subject to policies (particularly the White
Australia Polic(ies)) that effectively removed them from their homelands and sought in various
ways to assimilate them (physiologically and culturally) into mainstream white Australian culture.
In addition the paper suggests that this Aboriginalia had an unintended social life as an object of
tourism and nation. It is argued that the mass-produced presence of many reminders of Aboriginal
culture came to be repositories of recognition not only of the presence of Aborigines but also
of their dispossession and repression. As such they emerge today recoded as politically and
culturally charged objects with (potentially) an even more radical role to play in the unfolding of
race relations in Australia.
Keywords
Aboriginal Australia; Aboriginalia; reconciliation; social identity; souvenirs; tourism objects
Travel is fatal to prejudice bigotry and narrow-mindedness and many of our people need it sorely
on these accounts. Broad wholesome charitable views of men and things can not be acquired by
vegetating in one little corner of the earth all ones lifetime. (Twain 1993 [1987]: 650)
196
Tourist Studies 10(3)
At almost all available contemporary tourist sites and places around Australia the travelling
visitor (whether domestic or overseas) wishing to sample what is properly Australian
will be confronted by two dominant representational forms: Australian nature and
Australian Aboriginal culture art and/or motifs. The online tourist will find the same
semiotic message everywhere: of the 12 representative objects on the front page of
Australiasouvenir.com
for example five are either Aboriginal objects for example boo

merangs or non-Aboriginal objects emblazoned with Aboriginal design (wooden wine
holder travel bags). Visitors to the popular Queen Victoria Market area of central
Melbourne will find it hard not to see
Something Aussie
a shop specializing in souvenirs
of Australia. The shops logo is an Aboriginal-inspired ochre-coloured setting sun encap

sulating a white boomerang. Inside the shop the unmistakable look of the merchandise
is based on Aboriginal design. It has a section of objects that are made by Aboriginal art
and crafts makers some of which are based on traditional objects and some of which are
European objects mantled with Aboriginal artworks (for example bandanas scarves
pottery vases and bowls). Then there are modern objects such as umbrellas candlehold

ers tablecloths and pen sets that are saturated with stylized Aboriginal designs. At other
locations around Australia such objects come complete with the name of the town or
state and in this sense co-opt Aboriginality into their place image. The wholesaler W.W.
Souvenirs (sourced at www.wwsouvenirs.com.au/cart/index.php?c=20&s=1) for exam

ple provides a range of boomerang-shaped key rings with the names of most major
towns and cities printed on them. Actually having encountered Aboriginal people is
ironically not important to those who happily souvenir objects as if they had: Boomerangs
line souvenir shops in their thousands inviting visitors to Australia to take this quirky
piece of the nation home with them as a symbol of both the country they visited and its
original inhabitants whom they may or may not have met (Effington 2010: 75).
At almost all the major city souvenir sites the connections between the Aboriginal
representation and the people they represent (and their geography) is rarely made explicit
(except where Aboriginal arts and craft makers have taken control and they have in
many places today). Despite this confused geography history and anthropology a gener

alized sense (and presence) of Aboriginal culture is rendered palpable to tourists across
Australia through a very large range of objects.
The combined effect of this Aboriginal semiotic drenching or perhaps it can be called
the
Aboriginalization
of tourist sites and places gives the impression that Aboriginal cul

ture is a quintessential representation or icon of local and national life with the corollary
given its suggested primordiality that it has always been thus. After all the elements of
Aboriginal culture emphasized on these objects do not represent how most contemporary
Aboriginal people live today (very few adhere to traditional hunting and gathering modes
of production) but reference a pre-white colonial period and the primordiality of the
Dreaming past. The cultural icons of white settler society by contrast feature present-day
culture such as sporting teams architecture commercial brands and national achieve

ments. It is at best an extremely confused iconography of nation. Nonetheless the infer

ence might be made that Aboriginal people symbols and motifs have always represented
Australia.
Mueckes 1990 essay No Road is one of the few serious attempts to understand
travellers in Australia and their engagement with contemporary Aboriginal cultures. This
paper seeks to extend that understanding though it takes a very different road.
&DQDGLDQ*HRJUDSKDV1DWLRQDOGHQWLW+XGVRQ?V
%D&RPSDQ3ODFH1DPHVDQGWKHLU$ERULJLQDO&RXQWHUSDUWV
&KULVWLQH6FKUHHU
International Journal of Canadian Studies Volume 49 2014 pp. 315-333
(Article)
3XEOLVKHGE8QLYHUVLWRI7RURQWR3UHVV
DOI: 10.1353/ijc.2014.0032
For additional information about this article
Access provided by Brock University (5 Jan 2015 12:08 GMT)
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/ijc/summary/v049/49.schreyer.html
Christine Schreyer
Canadian Geography as National Identity:
Hudson

s Bay Company Place Names
and their Aboriginal Counterparts
Abstract
The fur trade has a distinctive place in the collective memory of Canadian
society in
fl
uencing national identity in many ways. Speci
fi
cally the fur trade
has helped to shape the geography of Canada which is
fi
lled with locales
that retain the labels

fort

post

house

and

factory.

This paper will
discuss the Hudson

s Bay Company

s 1928 call for the collection of Aborigi-
nal place names for

all the posts of the country

and will examine the
resilience of these places names and their role in creating a Canadian
national identity based on the idea of three founding nations

Aboriginal
French and English.
Rsum
La traite de la fourrure occupe une place distincte dans la mmoire collective
canadienne ce qui in
fl
uence l

identit nationale de nombreuses manires.
Plus spci
fi
quement la traite de la fourrure a aid faonner la gographie
du Canada qui abonde de lieux portant le nom de fort post house
et factory . Cet article discutera de la demande faite en 1928 par la
Compagnie de la Baie d

Hudson qui voulait rassembler les noms de lieux
autochtones pour tous les postes du pays et examinera la rsilience de ces
noms de lieux et leur rle dans la cration d

une identit nationale cana-
dienne base sur l

ide de trois nations fondatrices : autochtone franaise et
anglaise.
The history of Canada as a nation is inextricably linked to the fur trade. It is
through the expansion of the fur trade that traders explorers merchants
missionaries and many more European people entered into the New World
and began to forge relationships whether good or bad with the indigenous
1
people whom they met along the way. It was in search of economic wealth that
traders pushed farther north and farther west until they ran out of land. This
expansion of the fur trade has helped to shape the geography of Canada which
is
fi
lled with locales that retain the labels

fort

post

house

and

factory.

In April 1928 Nathaniel McKenzie a retired district manager and
historian for the Hudson

s Bay Company (HBC) sent a letter to C.H. French
fur trade commissioner. He wrote:
IJCS/RIE

C
49 2014
PLACE THIS ORDER OR A SIMILAR ORDER WITH US TODAY AND GET AN AMAZING DISCOUNT ?

You may also like

Leave a Reply